The Africa Agenda

Category: News

  • Kenya Drops Travel Barriers, Rekindling Pan-African Unity Dreams

    By Moses Desire Kouyo | The Africa Agenda

    In a move celebrated across the continent, Kenya has announced it will drop travel authorisation requirements for nearly all African nationals, a bold policy shift that many see as a concrete step toward realizing the long-held vision of a truly borderless Africa.

    This new directive replaces the much-criticized Electronic Travel Authorization (ETA) system, which required travelers to apply online at least 72 hours before arrival and pay a processing fee. While initially branded as a “visa-free” policy, the ETA was widely criticized as a “visa under another name,” dampening excitement over President William Ruto’s 2023 promise to open Kenya’s borders to all Africans.

    Under the updated system, citizens of nearly all African countries — except Somalia and Libya, due to security concerns — will now be allowed to enter Kenya and stay for up to two months without needing prior electronic approval. Members of the East African Community (EAC) — including Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi — can stay for up to six months, reinforcing regional integration efforts and economic ties.

    A Dream Rooted in Pan-African History

    Kenya’s policy shift is more than a travel update; it is a powerful political statement. The dream of free movement within Africa traces back to early Pan-African leaders like Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and Jomo Kenyatta, who envisioned an Africa unshackled by colonial-era borders and united by shared economic and cultural aspirations.

    The African Union’s Agenda 2063 explicitly highlights free movement as essential to building “an integrated, prosperous, and peaceful Africa driven by its own citizens.” Yet, in practice, many African travelers have long faced more barriers visiting neighboring states than visiting Europe or North America.

    The Role of Grassroots Activism

    While Kenya’s new policy emerges as a top-level government decision, it is also the result of relentless grassroots advocacy. In May 2024, the Africa Rising Pan-African movement, together with Kenya’s Kongamano La Mapinduzi group, presented a petition urging the government to fully ratify the Protocol to the Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community on the free movement of persons, right of residence, and right of establishment.

    The petition highlighted how colonial-era boundaries continue to divide communities that share language, culture, and economic life — such as the Kuria people along the Kenya-Tanzania border and the Karamoja cluster spanning Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, and South Sudan.

    Africa Rising’s campaign stressed that true unity cannot exist without freedom of movement. The petition called on Kenya to lead by example, not merely through promises but through concrete policy action. While full ratification of the treaty remains pending, Kenya’s new move signifies a strong step in that direction and underscores the power of civic activism to influence continental policy.

    A Boost for Trade, Tourism, and People-to-People Ties

    The potential impacts of Kenya’s decision are wide-ranging. Tourism is expected to surge as travelers from across the continent explore Kenya’s coastlines, savannahs, and vibrant urban centers. Trade ties may deepen as entrepreneurs gain easier access to Kenyan markets, aligning with goals under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

    The policy could also open doors for educational and cultural exchanges, inspiring new collaborations among African artists, researchers, and young innovators.

    Looking Ahead

    Despite the optimism, challenges remain. Kenya must improve its border infrastructure, enhance security screening, and ensure that immigration officers are well-equipped to handle the anticipated increase in travelers. At the same time, the government has pledged to develop new guidelines to improve the traveler experience, with a promise to process any necessary approvals within 72 hours and introduce instant approvals in future phases.

    Critics note that Kenya has yet to ratify the African Economic Community’s free movement protocol — a crucial legal step to make the dream of open borders binding and irreversible. Activists continue to call for this final commitment, urging Kenya to fully cement its leadership in building a unified Africa.

    A Continent in Motion

    Kenya’s latest policy move signals more than a procedural update; it reignites the Pan-African dream of a continent without artificial borders. It is a bold declaration that Africans deserve to move, trade, and connect freely on their own land.

    As Kenya drops its travel barriers, it invites the rest of the continent to follow suit — proving that when governments listen to their people and embrace unity, even the most ambitious visions can begin to take shape.

  • AfCFTA: The Bold Experiment That Could Redefine Africa’s Future

    By Moses Desire Kouyo, Editor-in-Chief

    In January 2021, a quiet revolution began across Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the largest free trade area in the world by the number of participating countries, officially commenced trading. While the launch did not arrive with fireworks or street parades, its implications could be more transformative than any single political event in post-independence Africa.

    A New Dawn for Intra-African Trade

    For decades, Africa has paradoxically traded more with the outside world than within its own borders. In 2019, intra-African trade accounted for only about 15% of total African exports, compared to 68% in Europe and 59% in Asia (UNCTAD, 2020). Borders carved by colonial powers, poor infrastructure, and restrictive trade policies have long hindered regional commerce.

    AfCFTA aims to dismantle these barriers. Covering 54 countries and 1.3 billion people, it seeks to create a single market that could boost intra-African trade by over 50% by 2030. At its heart lies a simple yet profound vision: Africans trading with Africans, creating African solutions for African problems.

    A Historical Echo of Pan-African Aspirations

    The dream of a united economic bloc is not new. It echoes the visions of Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and other Pan-African leaders who believed that political independence was incomplete without economic self-reliance. In 1963, when the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was formed in Addis Ababa, the leaders envisioned a continent that could speak with one voice, both politically and economically.

    AfCFTA represents a modern revival of that vision. Unlike fragmented regional economic communities, AfCFTA aspires to unify the entire continent, reducing tariffs on 90% of goods, easing cross-border movements, and fostering industrial growth.

    Opportunities: From Lagos to Nairobi, Dakar to Addis

    For African entrepreneurs and SMEs, AfCFTA is a potential game-changer. It offers them access to a vast market, encouraging them to scale operations beyond their home countries. A young fashion designer in Accra can now dream of showcasing her collections in Johannesburg without prohibitive duties. A tech startup in Kigali can market its solutions to clients in Lagos without being buried under bureaucracy.

    Women and youth—historically marginalized in formal trade structures, stand to benefit significantly. The agreement includes protocols aimed at improving inclusivity, a critical step toward broad-based economic empowerment.

    Moreover, the manufacturing sector could finally get its long-awaited renaissance. Instead of exporting raw cocoa beans to Europe, Ghanaian companies could process and sell chocolate across African markets. Nigeria’s pharmaceutical firms could supply affordable medicines to neighboring countries, reducing reliance on imports from Asia and Europe.

    Challenges on the Road Ahead

    Yet, AfCFTA’s success is far from guaranteed. Africa’s infrastructure gaps—bad roads, inefficient ports, unreliable electricity—still loom large. Non-tariff barriers such as corruption, cumbersome customs procedures, and language differences can stifle the most ambitious plans.

    Furthermore, the reality of competing national interests cannot be ignored. Some countries fear that opening markets might damage local industries that are not yet competitive. Protectionist instincts, deeply rooted in post-colonial economic strategies, may resurface as leaders navigate the delicate balance between regional integration and domestic economic security.

    Why Pan-African Unity Must Prevail

    Despite these obstacles, AfCFTA offers a rare opportunity for Africa to chart a new economic narrative—one driven by collaboration, shared prosperity, and self-determination. If successful, it could be the bedrock of an Africa where intra-continental trade is the norm, not the exception.

    AfCFTA is more than a trade agreement; it is a statement of intent. It is a declaration that Africa is ready to stop being a passive player in global value chains and start writing its own economic destiny. It is a chance to shift from being exporters of raw materials to producers of finished goods; from small, fragmented markets to a unified economic powerhouse.

    A Call to Action

    For AfCFTA to succeed, all Africans—business owners, policymakers, entrepreneurs, artists, farmers, and consumers—must embrace it as their own. Governments must invest in infrastructure and streamline regulations. The private sector must innovate and build cross-border partnerships. Civil society must hold leaders accountable to ensure inclusivity and fairness.

    As we watch this bold experiment unfold, one thing is clear: the future of Africa will be decided not in boardrooms in Brussels or Beijing, but in the factories of Addis Ababa, the markets of Lagos, and the digital labs of Nairobi.

    AfCFTA may not solve all of Africa’s economic woes overnight, but it holds the promise of something powerful and deeply Pan-African: a future built by Africans, for Africans.

  • Floods Kill at Least 150 in Northern Nigeria Market Town

    Mokwa, Nigeria — At least 150 people have died after torrential pre-dawn rains triggered severe flooding in Mokwa, a northern Nigerian market town where farmers from the north sell produce to traders from the south, officials said Friday. Authorities warned that the death toll is likely to rise.

    The Nigerian Hydrological Services Agency has not yet confirmed how much rain fell after midnight on Thursday in Mokwa, which lies in Niger State, about 300 kilometers west of Abuja, Nigeria’s capital.

    Floodwaters submerged neighborhoods, with many homes completely underwater except for their rooftops, according to videos and photos shared on social media. Residents were seen wading waist-deep in muddy currents, attempting to salvage belongings and assist others.

    Communities in northern Nigeria have been experiencing extended dry spells exacerbated by climate change, often followed by sudden, intense rainfall during the brief wet season, leading to severe flooding.

    Mokwa, a key agricultural trade hub where southern traders purchase goods like beans and onions from northern farmers, was among the hardest hit. Alhaji Aliki Musa, a local community leader, described the flood as seasonal but unusual. “The water is like spiritual water which used to come, but it’s seasonal,” he said. “There’s not much water in Mokwa that will bring that flood.”

    In a related incident last September, heavy rains and a dam collapse in the northeastern city of Maiduguri caused deadly flooding that killed at least 30 people and displaced millions, compounding the humanitarian crisis driven by Boko Haram militants in the region.

    Authorities continue to assess the damage and are warning that the final death toll may increase as more information becomes available.

  • University of Ghana Appoints Prof. Peter Atudiwe Atupare as New Dean of School of Law

    Accra, Ghana – The University of Ghana has appointed Professor Peter Atudiwe Atupare as the new Dean of its School of Law, marking a significant step in the institution’s commitment to academic excellence and leadership development in Ghana and beyond.

    The announcement was made via the School’s official social media platforms, accompanied by messages of congratulations and optimism about his “visionary leadership.”

    Prof. Atupare brings to the role a distinguished record of academic achievement and administrative experience that positions him to guide the School of Law into its next chapter. He previously served as Dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Cape Coast and currently heads the Department of Public Law at the University of Ghana School of Law.

    His educational journey is deeply rooted in both Ghanaian and international legal traditions. Prof. Atupare earned his PhD in Law and an LL.M from Queen’s University in Canada, in addition to an LLB and a BA in Political Science from the University of Ghana. His academic portfolio reflects a rich blend of global legal perspectives and local expertise.

    An accomplished scholar, Prof. Atupare’s areas of specialization include Constitutional Law, Jurisprudence, Human Rights, and Administrative Law. His extensive body of work encompasses several books and numerous peer-reviewed journal articles, contributing significantly to legal scholarship in Ghana and across Africa. His research in Constitutional Theory and Human Rights has resonated deeply with legal academics and practitioners, cementing his reputation as a thought leader in the field.

    He succeeds Prof. Raymond A. Atuguba, who served as Dean from 2019 to 2024.

    The University of Ghana community, together with legal scholars and Pan-African academics, extends its warm congratulations to Prof. Atupare and looks forward to his leadership in advancing the School of Law’s mission, fostering critical legal thinking, promoting human rights, and shaping the next generation of legal practitioners not only for Ghana but for Africa as a whole.

  • Beyond Borders: Ghana’s Arrests of Undocumented Migrants and the Unfinished Dream of African Unity

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    When uniformed officers from the Ghana Immigration Service swept through Kaneshie, Abossey Okai, and Kwame Nkrumah Circle in the early hours of Friday, May 16, rounding up street vendors, beggars, and undocumented migrants, they were enforcing more than just national law. They were also testing the fragile promises that have long underpinned Africa’s vision of unity, solidarity, and regional integration.

    In a holding statement, the Ghana Immigration Service described the operation as a routine effort to “address the presence of undocumented migrants on the streets,” linking it to child streetism, illegal residency, and broader public safety concerns. Yet behind the bureaucratic language and official justifications lies a far more complicated and troubling reality: a continent still wrestling with the contradictions between its aspirations for borderless unity and its impulses toward national protectionism.

    A Vision of Unity, Deferred

    In 1979, when the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) adopted the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Residence and Establishment, it was nothing short of revolutionary. At a time when colonial borders continued to divide families, cultures, and economies, West African leaders dared to imagine a region without walls—one where a trader from Bamako could set up shop in Accra without fear of harassment, and where a teacher from Lagos could teach in Freetown without bureaucratic barriers.

    That protocol enshrined the right of every West African to enter, reside, and establish economic activities in any member state. It promised a region united by shared history, language, and aspirations. It was an ambitious attempt to reclaim Africa for Africans, reversing centuries of imposed divisions.

    But more than forty-five years later, the lived reality tells a different story. The very countries that championed the protocol often treat migrants from neighboring states as suspicious outsiders, subject to raids, deportations, and harassment. Ghana’s recent crackdown is not an isolated incident; it is a symptom of a deeper malaise that continues to haunt African integration.

    Security vs. Solidarity: A False Choice

    Ghana’s concerns about child streetism and undocumented migration are valid. The rise of street children—many of them foreign nationals, begging at intersections and sleeping in makeshift shelters is a complex crisis that strains social services, threatens public safety, and sometimes fuels exploitation. The state has a responsibility to protect its citizens and maintain order.

    But security cannot come at the cost of solidarity. When enforcement targets the poor, the marginalized, and the desperate, it risks becoming an instrument of injustice rather than protection. Many of those arrested are not criminals, they are victims of poverty, conflict, or environmental disasters in their home countries. They are the human face of the continent’s uneven development.

    Take the Sahel region, for example, where conflict and climate change have displaced millions. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), more than 3 million people in West Africa are currently internally displaced or have fled across borders. For many, Ghana represents a beacon of relative stability, a place to rebuild lives. Yet they find themselves caught between the dream of Pan-Africanism and the reality of state sovereignty.

    The Paradox of Pan-Africanism

    Ghana’s role in African unity is both symbolic and historical. It was in Accra, in 1958, that Kwame Nkrumah convened the All-African Peoples’ Conference, declaring that “the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.” That vision laid the foundation for continental institutions like the African Union and regional frameworks like ECOWAS.

    But the same Ghana that gave us Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanism now faces a crisis of identity: How does it balance its legitimate right to manage migration with its moral obligation to uphold African solidarity? How does it honor Nkrumah’s legacy while grappling with urban poverty, informal economies, and the strains of globalization?

    The challenge is not unique to Ghana. From Nigeria to Côte d’Ivoire, from South Africa to Kenya, African states face the same dilemma: How to protect their borders without betraying the ideals of unity that they have promised their people. Too often, national interests have trumped continental commitments, leaving ordinary Africans stranded between rhetoric and reality.

    Rethinking Migration: From Threat to Opportunity

    If Ghana and Africa at large is to resolve this contradiction, it must reimagine migration not as a threat to be managed but as an opportunity to be harnessed. Migrants bring labor, skills, culture, and resilience. They contribute to local economies, enrich communities, and build bridges between nations. Studies by the African Development Bank show that migrants account for over 4% of Africa’s GDP, often sending remittances that sustain families and drive local development.

    Ghana’s response must therefore go beyond immigration sweeps. It must invest in social protection systems that support vulnerable migrants, while enforcing fair and transparent migration management. It must engage with ECOWAS and the African Union to strengthen frameworks that guarantee the rights of migrants and support host communities. And it must educate the public about the value of migration as a force for economic and cultural vitality, not just a challenge to be controlled.

    A Call to Action

    Africa’s future depends on its ability to reconcile national interests with continental solidarity. As Ghana reviews the outcomes of its latest immigration sweep, it must ask itself: Are we building walls, or are we building bridges? Are we enforcing the law at the expense of human dignity, or are we finding solutions that reflect the spirit of African unity?

    The African Union’s Agenda 2063 envisions a continent without borders, where every African can move freely in pursuit of opportunity and safety. That vision cannot remain a slogan. It must become a policy that lives in our streets, our cities, and our communities.

    Because if we cannot protect the most vulnerable among us if we cannot see every African as our brother or sister, then Pan-Africanism is nothing but a hollow chant.

    Ghana must lead by example. It must remember that the same streets where officers now patrol were once the avenues where Nkrumah marched, calling for an Africa that stands together.

    The choice is ours. The time is now.

  • A History of Leadership at the AfDB, What Does It Tell Us?

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    Since its inception in 1964, the African Development Bank (AfDB) has been a crucial institution in Africa’s journey toward economic independence and regional integration. Yet, a look at its presidential history reveals more than just a list of names, it tells a story of geopolitics, regional dynamics, and the ongoing struggle for a truly African development model.

    The AfDB’s first president, Mamoun Beheiry of Sudan (1964-1970), presided over a newborn institution grappling with the challenges of post-independence optimism and the turbulence of Cold War politics. Beheiry’s tenure symbolized a pan-African spirit at a time when newly-liberated states sought to define their destiny beyond the colonial yoke. Yet his successor, Abdelwahab Labidi of Tunisia (1970-1976), had to navigate a more divided continent, one that was increasingly drawn into the proxy battles of the superpowers.

    The subsequent leadership saw Kwame Donkor Fordwor of Ghana (1976-1980), the first from Anglophone West Africa, and Willa Mung’Omba of Zambia (1980-1985), reflecting the Bank’s efforts to balance regional representation and language diversity. Babacar N’diaye of Senegal (1985-1995), one of the longest-serving presidents, oversaw an era of structural adjustment and economic liberalization—policies often driven by external financial institutions and at times criticized for prioritizing fiscal discipline over social development.

    The 1990s brought Omar Kabbaj of Morocco (1995-2005), who navigated the bank through a period of financial instability and a push toward modernization. His leadership marked a turning point, aligning the Bank more closely with global financial norms and reinforcing its role as Africa’s preeminent development financier.

    Donald Kaberuka of Rwanda (2005-2015) ushered in a decade of transformation: the AfDB’s lending tripled, and its focus expanded to include regional integration and infrastructure. Under Dr. Akinwumi Adesina of Nigeria (2015-2025), the Bank’s “High 5’s”—Light up and power Africa, Feed Africa, Industrialize Africa, Integrate Africa, and Improve the quality of life—became its flagship strategy, echoing the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

    Yet beneath these achievements lies a persistent question: Has the Bank remained African enough? While each president brought a unique vision, the institution’s governance structure, where non-regional member countries hold significant voting power—has often influenced its direction. Even today, the requirement that presidential candidates secure majorities from both regional and non-regional votes speaks to the Bank’s dual identity as both an African institution and a multilateral development bank subject to global financial pressures.

    With Sidi Ould Tah’s election as the ninth president, the AfDB stands at a pivotal juncture. Tah’s record at the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa (BADEA) demonstrates his financial acumen, but the real test lies ahead: Will he champion a development path that prioritizes African agency and ownership? Or will the Bank continue to be steered by external actors whose interests do not always align with Africa’s aspirations?

    A closer look at the Bank’s presidential history shows that leadership at the AfDB is not just about technical competence—it’s about ideological clarity and the courage to assert Africa’s place in a world that often prefers to dictate its development.

    As the AfDB prepares to mark its 61st year, we must remember that leadership matters. The president sets the tone not just for financial strategies but for the continent’s broader development discourse. In a century where Africa must define itself on its own terms, the AfDB’s presidency must reflect the dreams—and the determination—of its people.

    The history is clear. Now it’s time to write the future.

  • A New Era or Business as Usual? Sidi Ould Tah and the Future of the African Development Bank

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    Sidi Ould Tah’s election as the ninth president of the African Development Bank Group comes at a crossroads for both the institution and the continent it was created to serve. On paper, his credentials are impeccable: a seasoned financier with over 35 years of experience, a transformative decade at the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa (BADEA), and a history of steering complex financial reforms. But beyond the applause and ceremonial handshakes lies a fundamental question: Will Tah’s leadership herald a new era for Africa’s development, or will it reinforce the same structures that have too often left the continent on the margins of its own progress?

    Since its establishment in 1964, the AfDB has been both a beacon of African self-reliance and a reminder of the continent’s entanglement with external powers. The Bank’s structure—split between regional and non-regional members, embodies this tension. While its 54 African member countries hold the promise of African-led development, its 27 non-regional members, with their deep pockets and global clout, often wield influence that can overshadow regional priorities. The very election process—requiring a candidate to secure 50.01% of both regional and non-regional votes—speaks to this delicate, and sometimes precarious, balancing act.

    Tah’s track record at BADEA, where he quadrupled the balance sheet and secured a AAA rating, suggests a leader attuned to the demands of global finance. But the critical question remains: Whose interests will he prioritize? Will he steer the AfDB toward a bolder, more independent Pan-African agenda, or will he adopt the cautious pragmatism that placates both donors and credit agencies but too often leaves African communities behind?

    The stakes could not be higher. Africa is home to the world’s youngest population, the fastest-growing urban centers, and some of the planet’s richest untapped resources. Yet it also grapples with the harsh realities of climate change, debt burdens, and entrenched inequalities. The AfDB’s own High 5’s—Light up and power Africa, Feed Africa, Industrialize Africa, Integrate Africa, and Improve the quality of life for Africans—sound visionary on paper. But they risk becoming hollow slogans if they do not translate into tangible, inclusive progress on the ground.

    This is where Tah’s leadership will be tested. Can he navigate the geopolitical complexities of a multipolar world while ensuring that African voices, not just African resources, shape the Bank’s priorities? Will he champion financing models that empower local entrepreneurs and communities instead of perpetuating dependency on foreign investors? And will he push for a development model that treats Africa not as a passive recipient of aid, but as an engine of innovation and growth in its own right?

    Africa’s history is littered with the bones of well-intentioned development plans that failed to center the people they were meant to serve. Tah’s tenure at the AfDB must break that cycle. He must not only manage the Bank’s finances but also decolonize its governance, ensuring that decisions reflect Africa’s aspirations rather than external agendas.

    As the continent looks toward Agenda 2063 and the Sustainable Development Goals, the AfDB’s role is more critical than ever. It is time for an institution that is not just for Africa but truly of Africa—an institution where every policy, every loan, every strategy is guided by the principle of African agency and ownership.

    Sidi Ould Tah has a historic opportunity to prove that the African Development Bank is more than just a bank, that it is a catalyst for African dignity, prosperity, and unity. The choice is his. And the world is watching.

  • “The Language of Freedom: A Memoir for Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o”

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    I was not there when he wrote his first sentence in Gikuyu. I did not sit beside him in Kamĩrĩĩthũ as villagers turned theatre into a weapon. I was not there when the prison doors clanged shut behind him for daring to write in the tongue of his ancestors.

    But like millions across this continent, I was shaped by his courage.

    Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o has died.

    And Africa mourns, not only the loss of a man, but the passing of a literary insurgent, a cultural architect, and a defiant voice in a world that often demanded silence.

    The Pen as Machete

    For many of us, Ngũgĩ was not simply a writer. He was a freedom fighter in ink. He showed us that language is never neutral, that the choice to write in Gikuyu was not a retreat into tribalism but an act of radical reclamation. While others translated Africa into English, he decolonized English from his African soul.

    In a world that told us to admire Achebe in English and Soyinka in Shakespearean thunder, Ngũgĩ reminded us that we were not born into exile. That the soil of our tongues had its own grammar of resistance.

    He taught us that to write in Gikuyu was to walk barefoot into the soul of a people who had not been conquered, merely interrupted.

    His Books Were Weapons

    I remember the first time I read “Decolonising the Mind”. I was not the same again. It was as if a curtain had been torn from my eyes and I could finally see the colonial ghosts that haunted our syllabuses, our politics, our churches.

    Ngũgĩ dared to say what we only whispered: that an education that erases your language is not education. it is a funeral.

    With “Petals of Blood”, “A Grain of Wheat”, and “Devil on the Cross”, he gave Africa literature that bled, rebelled, and loved fiercely. His characters were not saints. They were broken, bruised, but never bowed. Like Africa itself.

    The Man Who Refused to Bow

    Ngũgĩ was exiled for his words. Jailed for his plays. Censored for his love of Africa. But he never softened. He never begged for a Western prize or platform. He wrote for us, even when we did not read him. He believed in us, even when we betrayed him by refusing to believe in ourselves.

    His life was a testimony that African dignity does not need foreign validation. That to stand tall in your own language is to remind the world that you are not a shadow of Europe, but a sun of your own making.

    For the Future Ngũgĩs

    As we lower his memory into the sacred soil of Africa, we must not bury the work. We must raise it.

    Let every Pan-African writer, editor, storyteller, and student know: Ngũgĩ did not die so we could be quiet. He did not suffer exile so we could settle for applause instead of truth. He did not write in Gikuyu so we could praise his courage in English and forget his challenge.

    Let us write in Shona, in Twi, in Wolof, in Amharic, in Lingala. Let us publish stories where our people are not objects of pity but agents of power. Let us write not only to be read, but to remember.

    He Walks With the Ancestors Now

    Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o has gone ahead—to sit, perhaps, with Biko and Nkrumah, Sankara and Nyerere, Ama Ata Aidoo and Kofi Awoonor. To drink from the calabash of eternal memory.

    But here, on earth, his fire remains. In libraries. In classrooms. In whispered Gikuyu lullabies. In every African child who dares to write, speak, and dream in their own name.

    Rest well, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o.

    Your pen was your machete.
    Your language, your revolution.
    Your memory, our inheritance.

  • UTAG Condemns Murder of Ghanaian Professor Found Buried at Home, Calls for Justice Across Academic Spaces

    The academic community across the nation of Ghana is in shock following the tragic killing of Professor Mawuadem Koku Amedeker, a respected lecturer at the University of Education, Winneba (UEW) in Ghana. His body was discovered and exhumed from his own residence in Gyahadze, a suburb of Winneba, on May 22, after he had been missing for several weeks.

    In a press release issued on Sunday, May 25, the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG), UEW Chapter, described the incident as “devastating” and noted that it had deeply shaken not just the UEW academic community, but the entire country.

    “Prof Amedeker was a respected academic and a valued member of our university. His violent and untimely death has left a deep sense of grief and disbelief among his colleagues, students, and staff,” the statement read.

    The case has resonated beyond Ghana’s borders, with scholars and education advocates across Africa raising concerns over the safety and protection of academics on the continent. UTAG-UEW expressed deep condolences to the bereaved family and appreciated the support from UTAG’s National Executive Council during what it described as a difficult and “uncomfortable” period.

    The association commended the Ghana Police Service for their swift action in launching an investigation and arresting a suspect but urged authorities to intensify efforts to bring all involved to justice.

    “We strongly urge the police to ensure that all individuals connected to this heinous act are apprehended and prosecuted,” UTAG-UEW stated.

    UTAG-UEW also pledged its support for the investigation and called on governments, security services, and university authorities to work together to strengthen safety across campuses.

    The union emphasized that this tragedy must serve as a wider call to action across Africa to prioritize the safety, dignity, and security of those working in academic spaces.

    “We will honour Prof Amedeker’s legacy by continuing to uphold the values he lived by—truth, justice, and service to academia,” the statement concluded.

  • Ugandan Activist Alleges Rape and Torture in Tanzanian Detention

    Kampala, Uganda — Ugandan activist and journalist Agather Atuhaire has alleged that she was raped and tortured while in detention in Tanzania after she was arrested alongside Kenyan photojournalist Boniface Mwangi. The two had traveled to Tanzania in solidarity with opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who appeared in court on treason charges on Monday.

    Atuhaire told the BBC that while in detention, she was blindfolded by men in plain clothes, violently struck, stripped, and sexually assaulted. “The pain was too much,” she said, showing the news outlet a mark left by handcuffs. She also claimed that her screams were so intense her captors had to cover her mouth.

    She further stated that she heard Mwangi being threatened with forced circumcision. “They tortured us and asked us to strip naked to go bathe. We couldn’t walk, and they told us to crawl and go wash off the blood,” Mwangi later recounted in a post on social media platform X.

    The pair were denied entry to the courtroom despite being permitted into the country and were subsequently arrested by Tanzanian authorities. President Samia Suluhu Hassan had earlier warned that foreign activists would not be allowed to interfere in Tanzanian affairs or cause unrest.

    Atuhaire was eventually found on Thursday night, abandoned at the Tanzania-Uganda border. Her return was confirmed by the Agora Centre for Research, a Ugandan rights organization, and the Ugandan High Commissioner to Tanzania, Fred Mwesigye, who said she had “safely returned home” and had been reunited with her family.

    Mwangi was also discovered abandoned near the Tanzanian-Kenyan border and recounted the ordeal, stating they were moved in separate vehicles after being tortured. He alleged that their treatment was ordered by Tanzanian state security officials who told their captors to give the pair “Tanzanian treatment.”
    As of now, Tanzanian authorities have not issued a public response to the claims.