Conakry, Guinea – Guinea’s military-led government has revoked 51 mining licences in a sweeping move aimed at reclaiming underutilised or dormant mineral concessions, in a clear signal of its intent to tighten control over the country’s vast natural resources.
Information Minister Fana Soumah announced the decision in a televised address late Thursday, revealing that interim President Mamady Doumbouya had signed a decree formally repossessing dozens of mining permits spanning key minerals, including bauxite, gold, diamonds, graphite, and iron ore.
The reclaimed concessions, Soumah said, have been “returned free of charge to the state,” citing multiple provisions of Guinea’s mining code to justify the legal grounds for the mass withdrawal.
The move comes just hours after Reuters first reported the government’s intent to cancel the licences, further fueling speculation that Conakry is consolidating control over its extractive sector.
Guinea, a resource-rich West African nation, holds the world’s largest reserves of bauxite, the essential ore used in aluminium production. Its bauxite exports are strategically vital to global supply chains, particularly in China and Russia, making developments in its mining policy significant on a global scale.
In recent years, the Guinean government has intensified scrutiny of foreign and local mining operators, accusing several of failing to commence production or underutilising assigned concessions. Among previous targets were Kebo Energy SA and Emirates Global Aluminium, whose licences were also rescinded as part of earlier reforms.
“Government pressure on Guinea’s bauxite industry is building,” said Tom Price, head of commodities at Panmure Liberum, a UK-based investment bank. “We suspect the government is consolidating the number of foreign bauxite miners and pushing the reformed industry to invest in local downstream processing capacity.”
However, not all observers believe the revocations will have a major impact. An analyst familiar with Guinea’s mining sector, speaking on condition of anonymity, downplayed the development, noting that many of the affected entities were minor players with minimal operational impact.
The licences in question span a broad timeline—from as far back as 2005 to 2023. While some had already expired, others reportedly still had decades of validity remaining.
This aggressive policy shift reflects a broader regional trend across West Africa, where a new wave of military-led governments in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have increasingly moved to renegotiate or reclaim control over mineral assets since 2020 in an effort to bolster domestic revenues and assert national sovereignty.
Guinean authorities have not yet provided details on what will happen to the reclaimed concessions or whether they plan to reallocate them to other investors under revised terms.
As Guinea reasserts control over its mineral wealth, international stakeholders and mining giants will be closely watching how these changes reshape the future of one of Africa’s most mineral-rich economies.
Accra, Ghana — President John Dramani Mahama has extended an official pardon to Sammy Gyamfi, the Acting CEO of the Ghana Gold Board, following intense public scrutiny over a viral video showing him handing an undisclosed amount of U.S. dollars to Patricia Asiedua Asiamah, popularly known as Nana Agradaa, a self-styled evangelist and controversial public figure.
The footage, which circulated widely on social media, ignited nationwide outrage and drew swift condemnation from civil society organizations, opposition politicians, and segments of the public. Critics called for Mr. Gyamfi’s dismissal, alleging that his actions potentially breached Ghana’s Foreign Exchange Act and the Code of Conduct for Public Officials.
In a press briefing on Monday, Minister of Government Communications, Felix Kwakye Ofosu, announced the President’s decision to close the matter after receiving a formal apology from Mr. Gyamfi.
“The President considers the incident deeply regrettable,” Kwakye Ofosu stated, “but he does not believe it rises to a level that warrants termination of appointment.”
While no further disciplinary action will be taken, Mr. Gyamfi has been issued a stern caution and reminded of his obligations as a public servant. Kwakye Ofosu added that the incident serves as a broader reminder to all public officials to uphold ethical conduct, transparency, and public trust in the discharge of their duties.
The pardon has sparked mixed reactions. Some have praised the President’s decision as balanced and considerate, while others argue it undermines the message of accountability and zero tolerance for impropriety in public office.
President Mahama, who has recently reiterated his commitment to ethical governance and institutional integrity, has emphasized that while the actions were inappropriate, they did not, in his assessment, meet the threshold for dismissal.
The development brings a temporary close to a saga that has tested the administration’s stance on public accountability at a time when public confidence in governance is increasingly under scrutiny.
In the grand pantheon of African letters, few voices have thundered with the clarity, wit, and moral authority of Ama Ata Aidoo. A novelist, poet, playwright, and public intellectual par excellence, Aidoo spent her life refusing silence, refusing, too, the comfort of neutrality in the face of historical violence and intellectual dishonesty. In 1967, she demonstrated this refusal with fierce elegance when she penned a blistering open letter titled “Thank You, Mr. Howe,” a caustic rebuttal to a wave of anti-Nkrumah revisionism then gathering steam in the influential African journal Transition. Her response was more than a defense of one man; it was a defiant call to arms against neocolonial arrogance, historical distortion, and the persistent infantilization of African political agency.
Aidoo’s letter remains a vital artifact in the archive of Pan-African resistance, a reminder that the battle for Africa’s dignity is as much about narrative as it is about policy or power. It was, and still is, about who gets to speak for Africa, about Africa, and to what ends.
The Neocolonial Assault on African Memory
If colonialism, as Frantz Fanon argued, relied on the erasure and degradation of African histories and cultures, then neocolonialism has perfected the art of replacing those histories with convenient fictions. In the aftermath of formal independence, a new ideological front was opened, not with rifles and chains, but with pens and pulpits, funded foundations, and editorial desks.
Nowhere was this clearer than in Transition magazine. Founded in 1961 in Kampala by Rajat Neogy, Transition was once an esteemed platform for African intellectual and cultural discourse. But following the 1966 CIA-backed coup that toppled Ghana’s first President, Kwame Nkrumah, the magazine became a mouthpiece for counter-revolutionary revisionism. The CIA, it turns out, was not only invested in removing Nkrumah from power but also in erasing the radical legacy he represented.
Ali Mazrui, the respected Kenyan political scientist, opened fire in Transition with an article disingenuously titled “Nkrumah: Leninist Czar.” In a bizarre ideological contortion, Mazrui painted Nkrumah as simultaneously a Soviet autocrat and a self-obsessed monarch—a caricature that betrayed more about Cold War hysteria than historical reality. He even parroted racist analogies from American history, comparing Nkrumah’s supposed excesses to the “decadence” of freed African Americans post-emancipation.
Russell Warren Howe, a white journalist writing for the Washington Post, followed closely behind with “Did Nkrumah Favour Pan-Africanism?”, a sneering piece that dismissed Nkrumah’s continental vision as paranoid narcissism. For Howe, Ghana under Nkrumah was not just misguided—it was a “fascist state,” a term used so casually it belied the brutality of actual fascism and insulted the intelligence of his African readership.
This was not critique. It was ideological warfare, disguised as intellectual rigor but steeped in condescension, historical amnesia, and racial paternalism.
Ama Ata Aidoo Strikes Back
Enter Ama Ata Aidoo. With razor-sharp irony and blistering sarcasm, she delivered what can only be described as a literary knockout blow.
Writing from Stanford, California, Aidoo titled her open letter “Thank You, Mr. Howe.” But the thanks were dripping with disdain. “On behalf of Africans dead, alive and unborn,” she began, she extended gratitude to Howe for his “fresh analysis” of Nkrumah, an analysis, she wrote, that had illuminated the ignorance of Africans who had dared to respect their own leader.
With the precision of a satirist and the fury of a patriot, Aidoo dismantled every accusation levied against Nkrumah. Was he anti-Western? Perhaps—but only in the sense that he refused to “lick pale Western feet” like some other African leaders. Did he implement preventive detention laws? Yes—but so have “respected” Western democracies, often under the same guise of national security. Was he the subject of a personality cult? Perhaps—but is that a reason to diagnose psychosis in a man leading a newly liberated state under siege by Western intelligence and local elite betrayal?
Aidoo reserved particular venom for Howe’s moral hypocrisy. Here was a white journalist from a nation embroiled in the Vietnam War, plagued by child poverty, and home to the Ku Klux Klan, lecturing Africans on democracy and governance. She eviscerated his paternalistic tone, noting that while America’s own house was on fire, its “big white fathers” were busy dictating how Africans should sweep their courtyards.
And she didn’t stop there. In her postscript, she sarcastically thanked Professor Mazrui and the other “objective and non-partisan” African intellectuals who made such anti-African propaganda possible. The real enemy, she seemed to imply, was not just the outsider who misrepresents, but the insider who enables.
Reclaiming the African Narrative
Ama Ata Aidoo’s letter was not just a defense of Nkrumah, it was a rallying cry for African intellectual sovereignty. At a time when the neocolonial imagination sought to recast African revolutionaries as villains and replace historical truths with ideological convenience, Aidoo refused complicity.
Her words continue to reverberate in our time, when the neoliberal descendants of neocolonialism still reign, and when African youth, disillusioned by corruption and economic hardship, are increasingly told, often by the same forces that underdeveloped their nations—that life was better under colonialism.
This is not just historical revisionism; it is epistemic violence.
In an era where African liberation heroes are reduced to hashtags and their ideas diluted to platitudes, we need more Aidoos, writers, journalists, and thinkers who can wield both memory and language as weapons of resistance. We need those who understand that the struggle for African freedom is as much about who writes history as it is about who makes it.
The Pen as Sword
Ama Ata Aidoo taught us that language matters. That intellectual laziness, historical amnesia, and cultural arrogance must always be met with fierce truth-telling. Her letter to Russell Warren Howe stands today not only as a classic of African political writing but as a model of how to respond to neocolonial gaslighting, with clarity, courage, and fire.
As we remember her legacy, and as the continent continues to wrestle with the ghosts of colonialism and the burdens of neocolonialism, we would do well to follow her lead: to speak back, speak up, and never, ever let anyone else define our story.
Rest in power, Ama Ata Aidoo. Your words still fight.
We reprint her letter below.
Thank you, Mr. Howe
Ama Ata Aidoo
Dear Sir,
On behalf of Africans dead, alive and unborn, “free” and enslaved, I would like you and your entire readership to join me in saying “Thank you” to our big white father [Russell Warren] Howe for an extremely illuminating and rather fresh analysis of Kwame Nkrumah (Transition 27, p. 13). Our ignorance was extreme. For instance, we knew that:
He was squeamish at the kind of unabashed licking of pale Western feet which some of our leaders find so attractive and whenever possible he denounced this and the companion sale of the future of Africa and its people; we did not know he was against Pan-Africanism;
He allowed the introduction of the Prevent Detention Bill, which couched in different words, is in operation under many respected governments: we did not know he was worse than Hitler (being black and communist);
He took exception to the somewhat patronising and always dangerous manner certain foreign correspondents handled news items from and about Africa: it interests us that such an attitude has provoked a comparison of him with Dr. Henrik Verwoerd;
He permitted a personality cult to developed round him and we are grateful to learn this was a symptom of psychosis;
He has always been extremely unpopular with all of us, especially us, the objective intellectuals and disinterested journalists; nonetheless, we are slightly surprised to learn he is being reduced to a “card.”
Mr. Howe’s efforts are all the more commendable since he happens to be a citizen of the richest and most democratic country in the world:
Whose President is waging history’s bloodiest war against a very tiny and poor country;
Where millions of children are still under schooled, underfed and are forced to share their beds with rats;
Where George Rockwell, chairman of the American Nazi Party, is a recognized public spokesman;
And where the Ku Klux Klan flies the national flag in broad daylight.
Mr. Howe is so kind that he has abandoned these pressing domestic problems to waste time, energy and genius on the ex-President of a small and insignificant “negro” country. We have many big white fathers like him who are constantly telling us what is good for us and what is not, what we must do and what we must not, but he is really priceless because he is possessed of that rare genius which can equate socialism and fascism and stretch out the errors in a foreign government’s tactics into major cries while behaving as though the crimes his own government is busy committing are acts of mercy. What is more, he seems adept at insulting foreign personalities whose political views he has reason to object to. He certainly can teach African intellectuals and journalists a lesson or two.
To show Mr. Howe that we have heard what he has recently told us, we are going to send Kwame Knrumah to Bellevue (a hospital for the criminally insane in New York) as soon as possible. We also promise that any time we want to publish the names of our “‘great’ Africans,” we shall submit the lists to him for our approval first. We further register our appreciation of his obvious concern for the success of Pan-Africanism and, therefore, our well-being.
We shall not forget what Mr. Howe and his sort are accomplishing on our behalf.
Yours sincerely,
Ama Ata Aidoo
P.S. Incidentally, we are also grateful to our own Professor Ali Mazuri and all the other objective and non-partisan African intellectuals and journalists who make the writing and publication of papers like Mr. Howe’s possible.
Stanford,
California, U.S.A.
Source: Transition, No. 29 (Feb. – Mar., 1967), pp. 5-8
Outcry is mounting across Nigeria and beyond over the arrest and continued detention of Martins Vincent Otse, the controversial Nigerian social media influencer popularly known as VeryDarkMan (VDM).
Otse was arrested on Friday by operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) at a branch of Guaranty Trust Bank (GTBank) in Abuja, where he had reportedly gone with his mother to seek clarification on unexplained debits from her account. His friend, Steven Avuara, also known as C-Pack, was arrested alongside him.
Their arrest has triggered a wave of criticism from legal representatives, celebrities, and concerned citizens, who accuse the anti-graft agency of overreach, human rights violations, and operating outside due process.
Lawyers Cry Foul
VDM’s legal team, led by Deji Adeyanju and his firm, stated that the influencer was picked up without clear charges and detained at the EFCC headquarters in Abuja. According to the firm, officers attached to the agency’s Special Duty Committee Unit 4 refused to disclose the grounds for the arrest despite multiple inquiries.
“We were informed that Mr. Otse declined to see anybody, likely due to the physical and psychological trauma from the arrest,” the firm’s associate Zainab Otega said in a statement. “He and his friend were labelled as ‘bandits’ and reportedly threatened at gunpoint in the presence of Mr. Otse’s mother.”
An arrest warrant allegedly issued by Chief Magistrate Njideka Iloanya-Duru on charges of cyberstalking was shown to the lawyers, though details remain unclear. Adeyanju further accused GTBank of enabling the arrest, claiming Otse was locked inside the bank’s exit doors for several minutes until EFCC operatives arrived.
Silence from EFCC and GTBank
As of the time of reporting, neither the EFCC nor GTBank had issued official statements. Calls to EFCC spokesperson Dele Oyewale have gone unanswered, and messages have not been returned.
Celebrity Backlash and Solidarity
The arrest has sparked widespread condemnation, with high-profile voices rallying behind the influencer. Former presidential candidate Peter Obi condemned the EFCC’s handling of the situation, describing it as “akin to an abduction” and warning that such tactics blur the line between law enforcement and lawlessness.
“When security agencies adopt methods that instill fear, they damage public trust in institutions,” Obi said. “This trend undermines our democracy and erodes national security.”
Musician Davido praised the groundswell of support for VDM, describing it as motivation “to do more for the masses.” Seun Kuti, in an Instagram Live session, alleged that a gospel singer was behind the arrest, linking it to previous online clashes over financial improprieties.
Kuti warned against the power religious figures wield in Nigerian society, saying: “If you’re boycotting GTBank, maybe rethink your tithes too — they could be funding oppression.”
Calls for Boycott and Protest
Veteran rapper Eedris Abdulkareem took a more radical stance, urging Nigerians to shut down their GTBank accounts and stage a boycott in protest.
“Don’t be afraid to speak truth to power. Close your accounts. Let them feel the pressure,” Abdulkareem said in a viral video.
Actress Rita Edochie also weighed in, blasting the EFCC’s failure to release VDM within the constitutionally mandated 24-hour window. “You can’t keep him forever. He is stronger than you,” she declared on Instagram, calling for calm and justice.
Broader Implications
The incident has raised pressing questions about the limits of law enforcement powers, the weaponization of state institutions against dissenting voices, and the growing tension between free speech and perceived defamation on social media.
Analysts warn that the silence from the EFCC and GTBank may only worsen public trust in institutions that already face credibility challenges.
With no formal charges publicly confirmed, and support for VDM surging online, pressure is mounting on Nigerian authorities to act with transparency and fairness — or risk a broader backlash.
Faure Gnassingbé, who has led Togo since 2005, was sworn in this week as President of the Council of Ministers, a newly created position that now holds supreme executive power under the country’s reformed constitution. The role carries no term limits, effectively allowing him to remain in control indefinitely.
The controversial transition to a parliamentary system—which eliminates direct presidential elections—was formalized through constitutional reforms passed by lawmakers last year. The reforms have been sharply criticized by opposition parties and civil society groups, who describe the shift as an “institutional coup d’état.”
The new system designates the presidency as a largely ceremonial post, while vesting actual governing authority in the hands of the Council President—a position now occupied by Gnassingbé.
Power Consolidation Amid 58-Year Family Dynasty
Gnassingbé’s ascension to this new post extends his family’s grip on power, which began in 1967 with his father, Gnassingbé Eyadéma, who ruled for nearly 40 years. Faure took over following Eyadéma’s death in 2005, and has since won multiple elections under disputed circumstances.
Critics argue that the latest reforms are engineered to circumvent presidential term limits and further consolidate his rule. The opposition has decried the move as undemocratic, warning that the changes erase what little accountability remained in Togo’s political system.
Despite widespread backlash, the government proceeded with the changes. Gnassingbé’s party, Union for the Republic (UNIR), currently holds 108 of the 113 seats in the National Assembly, allowing them to pass sweeping reforms without significant resistance.
First Elections Under New Constitution Set for July
Togo’s upcoming municipal elections in July will be the first held under the new system. Analysts say that while the framework may resemble a parliamentary democracy on paper, actual power remains tightly centralized around Gnassingbé and his inner circle.
“This isn’t a shift toward democracy—it’s a rebranding of authoritarianism,” said one political analyst based in West Africa. “By removing presidential elections and empowering a parliamentary system dominated by a single party, Togo has effectively eliminated political competition.”
As regional and international observers watch closely, many fear that Togo’s governance model may embolden similar maneuvers elsewhere on the continent, where long-standing leaders are under pressure to leave office.
General Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema was officially sworn in as President of Gabon on Saturday, April 27, 2025, after securing a sweeping 94.85% of the vote in the April 12 presidential election. The former head of the Republican Guard, who led the August 2023 coup that ended over five decades of Bongo family rule, won with 58,074 votes, according to final results from the Constitutional Court.
Nguema, 50, had served as transitional president since the coup that ousted President Ali Bongo Ondimba, his cousin. The military takeover was justified as a response to alleged corruption and mismanagement under the Bongo dynasty, which critics say enriched itself on Gabon’s oil wealth while large portions of the population remained in poverty.
The inauguration took place at Angondjé Stadium in the capital, Libreville, drawing thousands of supporters and high-level African dignitaries, including Presidents Felix Tshisekedi of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Paul Kagame of Rwanda—two leaders currently engaged in delicate peace negotiations related to the ongoing conflict in eastern Congo.
Nguema’s electoral victory was widely anticipated, given his central role in reshaping the political landscape and positioning himself as a reformist leader. Many citizens see him as the man who ended a political era dominated by the Bongo family since the 1960s.
The president campaigned on a strong anti-corruption message, pledging to overhaul governance structures and reinvest the nation’s oil revenues into public services. His policy priorities include revamping the healthcare system, improving infrastructure, and creating jobs for Gabon’s youth, a key demographic in a country where one-third of the 2.3 million population lives in poverty.
Nguema’s inauguration marks not only a political shift for Gabon but also reflects a broader trend of leadership change in Central Africa, where dissatisfaction with entrenched elites has fuelled recent coups in several countries. While the return to electoral governance has been welcomed by some, others remain cautious, urging Nguema to deliver on promises of inclusive development and democratic reform.
As Gabon enters a new era, the spotlight will remain on whether its new leader can transform revolutionary momentum into lasting institutional change and economic justice.
TrustAfrica has called for the creation of a borderless Africa, emphasizing the need for easier movement across the continent to unlock economic opportunities for its citizens.
Ebrima Sall, the Executive Director of TrustAfrica, highlighted that simplifying visa processes is critical to fostering stronger connections among Africans, enabling mobility for work, education, and improved living conditions.
Addressing the 3rd African Social Movement Baraza 2025 in Accra, Sall pointed out the paradox of granting free movement to individuals from industrialized nations while imposing severe restrictions on African citizens.
“We cannot allow people from around the world to move freely within our continent while we continue to face barriers within our own countries. It’s crucial that we create conditions that allow Africans to connect with each other,” he stated.
Sall emphasized that mobility should not be seen as a privilege, but rather as a fundamental right necessary for personal and professional growth. He expressed concern over policies that limit access to opportunities that could significantly improve the lives of ordinary Africans.
The 3rd African Social Movement Baraza, organized by TrustAfrica in partnership with the Ghana Center for Democratic Development (CDDGhana), brought together social movements, grassroots activists, civil society leaders, creatives, academics, policymakers, and change-makers from across the continent. The gathering focused on discussing and strategizing on key social issues affecting Africans.
This year’s event takes place amid complex challenges facing the continent, such as geopolitical tensions, inequality, and growing marginalization.
Sall also underscored the crucial role of social movements in addressing pressing societal issues, such as poverty, inequality, and human rights. He acknowledged that while social movements have evolved from traditional trade unions to more technology-driven activism, collective action remains vital in driving change.
Vera Abena Addo, Programs Director at CDDGhana, stressed the importance of social movements in advancing democracy in Africa. She noted that while these movements are often short-lived and loosely structured, they are powerful agents of policy change and accountability.
“Social movements complement formal civil society efforts by sparking important conversations and advocating for systemic reforms,” she remarked.
Sall further emphasized the value of recognizing and supporting community movements that emerge in response to policy failures. He argued that, beyond protests, many grassroots initiatives contribute significantly to their communities but often go unnoticed by governments. “Instead of viewing these efforts as dissent, governments should appreciate and support them,” he said.
The discussions at the Baraza reflect a growing awareness of the need for transformative policies that address the root causes of inequality, facilitate mobility, and foster African unity.
Russia vetoed a U.N. Security Council resolution on Monday that called for an immediate ceasefire in Sudan and the delivery of humanitarian aid to millions of people trapped in the escalating conflict between Sudan’s military and paramilitary forces. The resolution, sponsored by the United Kingdom and Sierra Leone, had broad support, including from China and other council members, but Russia’s veto blocked it.
In a passionate response, UK Foreign Minister David Lammy, who chaired the council meeting, denounced the veto, calling it a “disgrace.” He accused Russia of undermining the will of the U.N. Security Council while Britain continued to work with its African partners to address the crisis.
The conflict in Sudan, which erupted in April 2023, was triggered by long-standing tensions between the country’s military and paramilitary leaders. Fighting has devastated the capital, Khartoum, and spread to other regions, including Darfur, where violence and atrocities have deepened a longstanding humanitarian crisis. The U.N. has warned that Sudan is on the brink of famine, with millions of people in urgent need of aid.
U.S. President Joe Biden, addressing the crisis at the G20 summit in Brazil on Monday, echoed the U.N.’s concerns. “On Sudan, we’re seeing one of the world’s most serious humanitarian crises,” Biden said. “Eight million people are on the brink of famine. This deserves our collective outrage and attention.” He called for a unified global response to end the violence, urging external actors to stop arming the warring sides and demanding that both factions allow aid to reach those in need.
Russia’s veto was defended by its deputy U.N. Ambassador Dmitry Polyansky, who argued that it should be the Sudanese government alone that determines the country’s future. He suggested that the U.N. intervention would undermine Sudan’s sovereignty.
U.S. Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield sharply criticized Russia’s actions, accusing Moscow of obstructing efforts to alleviate the suffering of Sudanese civilians. “It is shocking that Russia has vetoed an effort to save lives,” she said. “For months, Russia has blocked meaningful action, while playing both sides of the conflict to advance its own political goals, to the detriment of the Sudanese people.”
The conflict has drawn in several external actors. Sudan’s paramilitary group, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), has reportedly received support from Russia’s Wagner mercenary group, while accusations have surfaced that the United Arab Emirates has supplied weapons to the RSF, although the UAE denies this. On the government side, Gen. Abdel Fattah Burhan, who led a military coup in 2021, has received backing from Russia and is closely allied with Egypt.
As the fighting rages on, the humanitarian situation in Sudan continues to deteriorate, and many fear the conflict could spiral further, with regional and international powers continuing to pursue their own interests in the country.
Tensions flared in Lenasia, south of Johannesburg, on Tuesday as residents clashed with Johannesburg Metro Police Department (JMPD) officers during an operation to disconnect illegal water connections. The area has been grappling with severe water shortages, and authorities allege some residents are using unauthorized connections to access water.
The standoff escalated when residents blocked major roads, including a section of the Golden Highway, to protest the disconnections, leading to the damage of four vehicles. Community leader Fanelwa Mooi voiced frustration over the lack of alternative water provisions, noting that no water tanks or trucks were provided to meet residents’ needs. “All the taps are dry,” Mooi said, adding that the community intends to meet with officials to seek solutions.
Elsewhere, in Limpopo, members of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) are set to march to the Premier’s office in Polokwane to demand urgent action on the ongoing water crisis. EFF’s Limpopo Chairperson Lawrence Mapoulo described the situation as “catastrophic,” highlighting the widespread lack of water access in the area.
The water crisis in South Africa continues to deepen, fueled by increased demand, deteriorating infrastructure, climate change impacts, and illegal connections. Gauteng Premier Panyaza Lesufi has stated that law enforcement will be mobilized to prevent further water wastage as authorities work to address these mounting challenges.
Pan-Africanism, the movement aimed at unifying African nations and people of African descent across the globe, has inspired generations of leaders, thinkers, and activists. It envisions a world where African nations and their diasporas work together to reclaim autonomy, achieve collective prosperity, and dismantle the legacies of colonialism and exploitation. For those dedicated to this cause, the right books provide critical insight into Africa’s history, challenges, and paths forward. Here are five essential books every Pan-Africanist should read.
“The Wretched of the Earth” by Frantz Fanon
Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a foundational text for understanding the impact of colonialism and the psychology of oppression. A psychiatrist and revolutionary from Martinique, Fanon became involved in Algeria’s fight for independence and observed the dehumanizing effects of colonization firsthand. Published in 1961, this book explores the brutal realities of colonial rule, the trauma it inflicts on the colonized, and the necessary process of decolonization.
Fanon’s arguments on violence, liberation, and the creation of a national consciousness remain deeply relevant. He emphasizes that true freedom for colonized peoples is not just political but also psychological. The Wretched of the Earth serves as a guide for understanding both the emotional and societal wounds inflicted by colonization—and how to heal them. For Pan-Africanists, it’s a powerful reminder of the resilience required to reclaim African identity and autonomy.
“Africa Must Unite” by Kwame Nkrumah
Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana and a leading figure in the Pan-African movement, provides a passionate argument for African unity in Africa Must Unite. Published in 1963, the book reflects Nkrumah’s vision of a continent that transcends artificial colonial borders to form a unified political and economic front. He argues that only through unity can African nations protect their resources, advance economically, and establish a powerful voice on the global stage.
Nkrumah outlines his dream of a United States of Africa, where independent nations would work together to solve issues such as poverty, illiteracy, and health. His vision for a strong, united Africa is as inspiring now as it was during the early post-independence years. This book is essential for anyone interested in understanding Pan-Africanism from a political perspective and learning from one of its foremost champions.
“How Europe Underdeveloped Africa” by Walter Rodney
Walter Rodney’s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa is a searing critique of the role European powers played in stunting Africa’s growth. A historian from Guyana, Rodney meticulously documents how colonialism extracted Africa’s wealth, leaving its societies impoverished and its economies dependent. Published in 1972, the book outlines how Europe’s economic progress was built directly on the exploitation of African labor and resources.
Rodney’s work demonstrates that Africa’s underdevelopment was neither natural nor inevitable, but rather the result of a calculated system of exploitation. This book is vital for understanding the structural inequalities that continue to plague Africa and is a call to action for Pan-Africanists dedicated to addressing economic injustice and advocating for reparative policies. Rodney’s research helps make the case for why economic liberation is integral to Pan-Africanism.
“Borderless Africa: A Sceptic’s Guide to the Continental Free Trade Area” by Francis Mangeni and Andrew Mold
Published in 2024, Borderless Africa explores the potential and challenges of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), a landmark agreement aimed at creating a single African market. Francis Mangeni, an advisor to the AfCFTA, and Andrew Mold, an economic affairs officer at the UN, argue that the free movement of people is essential for Africa’s success in implementing the AfCFTA. While the book’s title hints at skepticism, it actually supports the AfCFTA’s goals, calling for the implementation of the Free Movement Protocol alongside trade liberalization.
The authors argue that restrictive borders limit Africa’s potential for growth, exacerbate skills shortages, and contribute to the brain drain that sees many of Africa’s skilled professionals move abroad. This book sheds light on the practical steps needed to make economic integration a reality, emphasizing that African unity must extend beyond trade to include policies that facilitate mobility and knowledge exchange. It’s a must-read for Pan-Africanists interested in the economic and logistical aspects of uniting the continent.
“The Mis-Education of the Negro” by Carter G. Woodson
Although The Mis-Education of the Negro is primarily focused on African Americans, Carter G. Woodson’s 1933 classic is deeply relevant for anyone committed to Pan-Africanism. Woodson, often called the “Father of Black History,” examines how the education system has historically misled Black people, alienating them from their heritage and instilling a sense of inferiority. His analysis is both a critique of systemic indoctrination and a call for education that empowers Black people by reconnecting them with their history and culture.
Woodson’s insights go beyond race relations in the U.S., offering lessons on the importance of education and identity in the broader African context. He highlights how colonial education systems across Africa were similarly designed to create dependence on European values and to erase African cultural pride. For Pan-Africanists, The Mis-Education of the Negro emphasizes the importance of cultural education and self-knowledge as cornerstones of liberation.
These five books together provide a comprehensive foundation for anyone interested in Pan-Africanism. They address the movement’s historical roots, the economic and political challenges Africa faces, and the psychological impact of colonialism. From Fanon’s revolutionary insights to Mangeni and Mold’s modern analysis of AfCFTA, these works are crucial in shaping a well-rounded understanding of what it means to work toward a united, self-sufficient Africa.
Reading these books offers not just knowledge but a call to action—a reminder that Pan-Africanism is as much about reclaiming agency and solidarity as it is about envisioning a future where Africa, unbound by artificial borders, thrives as a global powerhouse.
