The Africa Agenda

Tag: News Ghana

  • AfCFTA: The Bold Experiment That Could Redefine Africa’s Future

    By Moses Desire Kouyo, Editor-in-Chief

    In January 2021, a quiet revolution began across Africa. The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), the largest free trade area in the world by the number of participating countries, officially commenced trading. While the launch did not arrive with fireworks or street parades, its implications could be more transformative than any single political event in post-independence Africa.

    A New Dawn for Intra-African Trade

    For decades, Africa has paradoxically traded more with the outside world than within its own borders. In 2019, intra-African trade accounted for only about 15% of total African exports, compared to 68% in Europe and 59% in Asia (UNCTAD, 2020). Borders carved by colonial powers, poor infrastructure, and restrictive trade policies have long hindered regional commerce.

    AfCFTA aims to dismantle these barriers. Covering 54 countries and 1.3 billion people, it seeks to create a single market that could boost intra-African trade by over 50% by 2030. At its heart lies a simple yet profound vision: Africans trading with Africans, creating African solutions for African problems.

    A Historical Echo of Pan-African Aspirations

    The dream of a united economic bloc is not new. It echoes the visions of Kwame Nkrumah, Julius Nyerere, and other Pan-African leaders who believed that political independence was incomplete without economic self-reliance. In 1963, when the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was formed in Addis Ababa, the leaders envisioned a continent that could speak with one voice, both politically and economically.

    AfCFTA represents a modern revival of that vision. Unlike fragmented regional economic communities, AfCFTA aspires to unify the entire continent, reducing tariffs on 90% of goods, easing cross-border movements, and fostering industrial growth.

    Opportunities: From Lagos to Nairobi, Dakar to Addis

    For African entrepreneurs and SMEs, AfCFTA is a potential game-changer. It offers them access to a vast market, encouraging them to scale operations beyond their home countries. A young fashion designer in Accra can now dream of showcasing her collections in Johannesburg without prohibitive duties. A tech startup in Kigali can market its solutions to clients in Lagos without being buried under bureaucracy.

    Women and youth—historically marginalized in formal trade structures, stand to benefit significantly. The agreement includes protocols aimed at improving inclusivity, a critical step toward broad-based economic empowerment.

    Moreover, the manufacturing sector could finally get its long-awaited renaissance. Instead of exporting raw cocoa beans to Europe, Ghanaian companies could process and sell chocolate across African markets. Nigeria’s pharmaceutical firms could supply affordable medicines to neighboring countries, reducing reliance on imports from Asia and Europe.

    Challenges on the Road Ahead

    Yet, AfCFTA’s success is far from guaranteed. Africa’s infrastructure gaps—bad roads, inefficient ports, unreliable electricity—still loom large. Non-tariff barriers such as corruption, cumbersome customs procedures, and language differences can stifle the most ambitious plans.

    Furthermore, the reality of competing national interests cannot be ignored. Some countries fear that opening markets might damage local industries that are not yet competitive. Protectionist instincts, deeply rooted in post-colonial economic strategies, may resurface as leaders navigate the delicate balance between regional integration and domestic economic security.

    Why Pan-African Unity Must Prevail

    Despite these obstacles, AfCFTA offers a rare opportunity for Africa to chart a new economic narrative—one driven by collaboration, shared prosperity, and self-determination. If successful, it could be the bedrock of an Africa where intra-continental trade is the norm, not the exception.

    AfCFTA is more than a trade agreement; it is a statement of intent. It is a declaration that Africa is ready to stop being a passive player in global value chains and start writing its own economic destiny. It is a chance to shift from being exporters of raw materials to producers of finished goods; from small, fragmented markets to a unified economic powerhouse.

    A Call to Action

    For AfCFTA to succeed, all Africans—business owners, policymakers, entrepreneurs, artists, farmers, and consumers—must embrace it as their own. Governments must invest in infrastructure and streamline regulations. The private sector must innovate and build cross-border partnerships. Civil society must hold leaders accountable to ensure inclusivity and fairness.

    As we watch this bold experiment unfold, one thing is clear: the future of Africa will be decided not in boardrooms in Brussels or Beijing, but in the factories of Addis Ababa, the markets of Lagos, and the digital labs of Nairobi.

    AfCFTA may not solve all of Africa’s economic woes overnight, but it holds the promise of something powerful and deeply Pan-African: a future built by Africans, for Africans.

  • University of Ghana Appoints Prof. Peter Atudiwe Atupare as New Dean of School of Law

    Accra, Ghana – The University of Ghana has appointed Professor Peter Atudiwe Atupare as the new Dean of its School of Law, marking a significant step in the institution’s commitment to academic excellence and leadership development in Ghana and beyond.

    The announcement was made via the School’s official social media platforms, accompanied by messages of congratulations and optimism about his “visionary leadership.”

    Prof. Atupare brings to the role a distinguished record of academic achievement and administrative experience that positions him to guide the School of Law into its next chapter. He previously served as Dean of the Faculty of Law at the University of Cape Coast and currently heads the Department of Public Law at the University of Ghana School of Law.

    His educational journey is deeply rooted in both Ghanaian and international legal traditions. Prof. Atupare earned his PhD in Law and an LL.M from Queen’s University in Canada, in addition to an LLB and a BA in Political Science from the University of Ghana. His academic portfolio reflects a rich blend of global legal perspectives and local expertise.

    An accomplished scholar, Prof. Atupare’s areas of specialization include Constitutional Law, Jurisprudence, Human Rights, and Administrative Law. His extensive body of work encompasses several books and numerous peer-reviewed journal articles, contributing significantly to legal scholarship in Ghana and across Africa. His research in Constitutional Theory and Human Rights has resonated deeply with legal academics and practitioners, cementing his reputation as a thought leader in the field.

    He succeeds Prof. Raymond A. Atuguba, who served as Dean from 2019 to 2024.

    The University of Ghana community, together with legal scholars and Pan-African academics, extends its warm congratulations to Prof. Atupare and looks forward to his leadership in advancing the School of Law’s mission, fostering critical legal thinking, promoting human rights, and shaping the next generation of legal practitioners not only for Ghana but for Africa as a whole.

  • Beyond Borders: Ghana’s Arrests of Undocumented Migrants and the Unfinished Dream of African Unity

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    When uniformed officers from the Ghana Immigration Service swept through Kaneshie, Abossey Okai, and Kwame Nkrumah Circle in the early hours of Friday, May 16, rounding up street vendors, beggars, and undocumented migrants, they were enforcing more than just national law. They were also testing the fragile promises that have long underpinned Africa’s vision of unity, solidarity, and regional integration.

    In a holding statement, the Ghana Immigration Service described the operation as a routine effort to “address the presence of undocumented migrants on the streets,” linking it to child streetism, illegal residency, and broader public safety concerns. Yet behind the bureaucratic language and official justifications lies a far more complicated and troubling reality: a continent still wrestling with the contradictions between its aspirations for borderless unity and its impulses toward national protectionism.

    A Vision of Unity, Deferred

    In 1979, when the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) adopted the Protocol on Free Movement of Persons, Residence and Establishment, it was nothing short of revolutionary. At a time when colonial borders continued to divide families, cultures, and economies, West African leaders dared to imagine a region without walls—one where a trader from Bamako could set up shop in Accra without fear of harassment, and where a teacher from Lagos could teach in Freetown without bureaucratic barriers.

    That protocol enshrined the right of every West African to enter, reside, and establish economic activities in any member state. It promised a region united by shared history, language, and aspirations. It was an ambitious attempt to reclaim Africa for Africans, reversing centuries of imposed divisions.

    But more than forty-five years later, the lived reality tells a different story. The very countries that championed the protocol often treat migrants from neighboring states as suspicious outsiders, subject to raids, deportations, and harassment. Ghana’s recent crackdown is not an isolated incident; it is a symptom of a deeper malaise that continues to haunt African integration.

    Security vs. Solidarity: A False Choice

    Ghana’s concerns about child streetism and undocumented migration are valid. The rise of street children—many of them foreign nationals, begging at intersections and sleeping in makeshift shelters is a complex crisis that strains social services, threatens public safety, and sometimes fuels exploitation. The state has a responsibility to protect its citizens and maintain order.

    But security cannot come at the cost of solidarity. When enforcement targets the poor, the marginalized, and the desperate, it risks becoming an instrument of injustice rather than protection. Many of those arrested are not criminals, they are victims of poverty, conflict, or environmental disasters in their home countries. They are the human face of the continent’s uneven development.

    Take the Sahel region, for example, where conflict and climate change have displaced millions. According to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), more than 3 million people in West Africa are currently internally displaced or have fled across borders. For many, Ghana represents a beacon of relative stability, a place to rebuild lives. Yet they find themselves caught between the dream of Pan-Africanism and the reality of state sovereignty.

    The Paradox of Pan-Africanism

    Ghana’s role in African unity is both symbolic and historical. It was in Accra, in 1958, that Kwame Nkrumah convened the All-African Peoples’ Conference, declaring that “the independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.” That vision laid the foundation for continental institutions like the African Union and regional frameworks like ECOWAS.

    But the same Ghana that gave us Nkrumah’s Pan-Africanism now faces a crisis of identity: How does it balance its legitimate right to manage migration with its moral obligation to uphold African solidarity? How does it honor Nkrumah’s legacy while grappling with urban poverty, informal economies, and the strains of globalization?

    The challenge is not unique to Ghana. From Nigeria to Côte d’Ivoire, from South Africa to Kenya, African states face the same dilemma: How to protect their borders without betraying the ideals of unity that they have promised their people. Too often, national interests have trumped continental commitments, leaving ordinary Africans stranded between rhetoric and reality.

    Rethinking Migration: From Threat to Opportunity

    If Ghana and Africa at large is to resolve this contradiction, it must reimagine migration not as a threat to be managed but as an opportunity to be harnessed. Migrants bring labor, skills, culture, and resilience. They contribute to local economies, enrich communities, and build bridges between nations. Studies by the African Development Bank show that migrants account for over 4% of Africa’s GDP, often sending remittances that sustain families and drive local development.

    Ghana’s response must therefore go beyond immigration sweeps. It must invest in social protection systems that support vulnerable migrants, while enforcing fair and transparent migration management. It must engage with ECOWAS and the African Union to strengthen frameworks that guarantee the rights of migrants and support host communities. And it must educate the public about the value of migration as a force for economic and cultural vitality, not just a challenge to be controlled.

    A Call to Action

    Africa’s future depends on its ability to reconcile national interests with continental solidarity. As Ghana reviews the outcomes of its latest immigration sweep, it must ask itself: Are we building walls, or are we building bridges? Are we enforcing the law at the expense of human dignity, or are we finding solutions that reflect the spirit of African unity?

    The African Union’s Agenda 2063 envisions a continent without borders, where every African can move freely in pursuit of opportunity and safety. That vision cannot remain a slogan. It must become a policy that lives in our streets, our cities, and our communities.

    Because if we cannot protect the most vulnerable among us if we cannot see every African as our brother or sister, then Pan-Africanism is nothing but a hollow chant.

    Ghana must lead by example. It must remember that the same streets where officers now patrol were once the avenues where Nkrumah marched, calling for an Africa that stands together.

    The choice is ours. The time is now.

  • Renaming and Politicization of Public Universities; a Worrying Development!

    By Opare Philip Israel Junior

    In the last few years, we have seen a trend of incumbent administrations rename some public universities after political figures. While some persons continue to support this worrying trend for political reasons, I abhor it. I will explain why.

    First off, in the Ghanaian cultural setting, names do not only convey a sense of physical identity, they also give spiritual importance. For universities, names are highly significant because they carry institutional visions, shape reputation and stimulate alumni pride. It is for these reasons why the incessant trend of renaming public universities after political figures must be shunned.

    Under the erstwhile Akufo Addo administration, several public universities were renamed.
    Prominent among them were :

    1. The University of Development Studies, Wa, which was renamed Simon Diedong Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies
    2. University of Mines and Technology, renamed George Grant University of Mines and Technology.
    3. University of Education, Kumasi Campus renamed Akenten Appiah Menka University of Skills Training and Entrepreneurial Development.

    In opposition, the NDC vouched to revert all universities renamed by Akufo Addo back to their original names. In sharp contrast, I am learning that the Ministry of Education under the leadership of the venerable Haruna Idrissu, has renamed the University of Health and Allied Sciences ( UHAS) after late President Mills.

    Do not get me wrong. President Mills was a great statesman and his contribution towards the establishment of UHAS can not be underestimated.
    In spite of this fact, it’s chuckling seeing the very people/ party who vilified Akufo for renaming some public universities after pro NPP figures perpetuate what they once considered a peccatum or sin.

    I am not against the idea of naming a newly built university after a political figure, especially when the figure is widely appreciated for his heroics. My issue is with renaming existing universities after political / partisan figures. In Ghana, a good number of our politicians are not nationalistic but partisan and that, sometimes they make policy directions to reflect their partisan orientation.

    You do not need a soothsayer to tell you that most of the agitation that followed the renaming of UMAT and UDS, Wa , after SD Dombo and George Grant, respectively, were made from a place of extreme partisanship. Some people felt that these closely highlighted individuals are Pro NPP/ UP/ UGCC figures and that by renaming the aforementioned universities, President Akufo Addo was blazingly honouring the memory of figures associated to his political tradition.

    Today, UHAS has been renamed after late Prof Mills, and people from the opposing divide have started waging spirited opposition to the decision by the Ministry of Education. Just as the NDC has promised to revert institutions renamed by Akufo Addo to their original names, I wouldn’t be surprised if a future NPP administration decides to strikeout Prof Mills’ name and revert back to UHAS or even name the university after a pro NPP figure . Then, this vicious cycle continues .

    What saddens my heart is that, in situations where the names of these longstanding universities are renamed after political figures, the government of the day does not build consensus with relevant stakeholders and seldom gives plausible reasons or justifications for the renaming.

    Like me , many students , alumni bodies and CSOs are yet to grasp the identities designated to these public universities, whose names have been altered.

    While renaming public universities may give some level of esteem to political/ partizan figures, it undermines institutional stability and may shrink public trust. The truth is, universities are glonacal institutions who are regionally impactful and globally relevant and for that reason , their names should not be treated like panties, which can be changed anytime one wishes.

    Whether it is George Grant University of Mines and Technology , Simon Diedong Dombo University of Business and Integrated Development Studies, Wa, or Professor John Evans Attah Mills University of Health and Allied Heath, the ambit remains the same . The renaming of these public universities appear to only give partisan capital consequently affecting the universities strategic positioning, branding and reputation.

    If our political class have forgotten, then they must be reminded that renaming public universities after political figures comes with a huge financial burden. In situations where a public university is renamed, changes are made to the institution’s signages, website letterheads, and relevant documents . All of these rebranding and strategic positioning come at a huge cost.

    At a time where the government of Ghana’s funding towards tertiary education is stagnant, must monies go into renaming at the expense of augmenting infrastructure and resourcing students ?

    Our political class must understand that their penchant for renaming public universities after their political figures can even confuse international partners and universities. A university that constantly changes its name may not be taken serious in the comity of universities .

    We must also not lose sight of the fact that these renaming of public universities have the propensity of creating confusion in the minds of alumni and current students who want to study abroad. For instance, a person who graduated from UHAS and intends to apply to study abroad this year, may battle with the difficulty of identifying as a former UHAS student or Prof John Evans Atta Mills University of Health and Allied Sciences.

    Additionally, if a final year student at UHAS has already applied to study abroad by submitting a UHAS inscripted transcript , and upon graduation he is given a Prof JEA Mills UHAS certificate, that might lead to some discrepancies in the application process. If the foreign university does not ask for an attestation to clear off doubts, that could affect the student chances .

    This is the opportune time for this country to have a policy that regulates when and how universities can be renamed.
    This must encompass the participation of university administrators , alumni, students , governing councils and other relevant stakeholders in the Ghanaian educational ecosystem.

    In conclusion, this troubling trend of renaming state universities after political figures must cease. If indeed the political class want to honour their political figures, they can exploit other areas , such as setting up scholarship schemes in their name, building halls, and auditoriums and naming them after the political figures.

    I do not think anyone would have made a fuss, if Akufo Addo built an auditorium at UMAT and named it after George Grant or if Mahama had built a block at UHAS and is naming it after Prof Mills.

    May God bless our homeland Ghana and make our political class think beyond partisanship.

  • UTAG Condemns Murder of Ghanaian Professor Found Buried at Home, Calls for Justice Across Academic Spaces

    The academic community across the nation of Ghana is in shock following the tragic killing of Professor Mawuadem Koku Amedeker, a respected lecturer at the University of Education, Winneba (UEW) in Ghana. His body was discovered and exhumed from his own residence in Gyahadze, a suburb of Winneba, on May 22, after he had been missing for several weeks.

    In a press release issued on Sunday, May 25, the University Teachers Association of Ghana (UTAG), UEW Chapter, described the incident as “devastating” and noted that it had deeply shaken not just the UEW academic community, but the entire country.

    “Prof Amedeker was a respected academic and a valued member of our university. His violent and untimely death has left a deep sense of grief and disbelief among his colleagues, students, and staff,” the statement read.

    The case has resonated beyond Ghana’s borders, with scholars and education advocates across Africa raising concerns over the safety and protection of academics on the continent. UTAG-UEW expressed deep condolences to the bereaved family and appreciated the support from UTAG’s National Executive Council during what it described as a difficult and “uncomfortable” period.

    The association commended the Ghana Police Service for their swift action in launching an investigation and arresting a suspect but urged authorities to intensify efforts to bring all involved to justice.

    “We strongly urge the police to ensure that all individuals connected to this heinous act are apprehended and prosecuted,” UTAG-UEW stated.

    UTAG-UEW also pledged its support for the investigation and called on governments, security services, and university authorities to work together to strengthen safety across campuses.

    The union emphasized that this tragedy must serve as a wider call to action across Africa to prioritize the safety, dignity, and security of those working in academic spaces.

    “We will honour Prof Amedeker’s legacy by continuing to uphold the values he lived by—truth, justice, and service to academia,” the statement concluded.

  • From Timbuktu to TikTok: The Digital Reawakening of Africa’s Intellectual Legacy

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    In a sun-baked room in Accra, a group of Ghanaian teenagers scroll through TikTok—not to watch dances or pranks, but to learn. One video explains the Sankofa philosophy; another unpacks the Mali Empire’s trade routes; yet another reimagines Nefertiti as a tech entrepreneur in futuristic Cairo. In this digital age, Africa’s ancient wisdom is no longer locked away in manuscripts or oral traditions. It’s trending.

    The continent is undergoing a quiet intellectual revolution, one that stretches back to the sands of Timbuktu and now pulses through fiber-optic cables and smartphone screens. For centuries, Africa’s contributions to global knowledge were ignored, erased, or appropriated. But a new generation is reclaiming and repackaging that legacy, not through the ivory towers of academia, but via memes, podcasts, blogs, and reels.

    This is not nostalgia. It’s a new form of intellectual warfare.

    Timbuktu Was the Blueprint

    In the 14th century, while Europe was grappling with the Black Death and feudal collapse, the city of Timbuktu, nestled in present-day Mali—boasted one of the world’s richest centers of learning. The Sankoré University, along with thousands of private libraries, held over 700,000 manuscripts, covering astronomy, medicine, law, philosophy, and mathematics.

    These documents—written in Arabic, Ajami (African languages in Arabic script), and local tongues—debunk the myth that Africa had no written tradition. Scholars like Ahmed Baba, one of the most prolific minds of the 16th century, wrote over 40 books and openly criticized slavery.

    Yet colonial narratives buried these stories. African knowledge systems were labelled primitive. Oral histories were dismissed. Indigenous science was ignored. What Europe could not use, it erased.

    The Digital Counterattack

    Fast-forward to the 21st century, and the tools of colonization are being repurposed. African creators, researchers, and students are digitizing ancient manuscripts and uploading them to open-access libraries. The Timbuktu Manuscripts Project—a collaboration between South African and Malian scholars, has preserved and published thousands of these texts online.

    Meanwhile, platforms like YouTube and TikTok are enabling Afro-edutainment—the fusion of African history and storytelling with short-form, viral content. Pages like @LetstalkHistoryAfrica (Kenya), @SankofaChronicles (Ghana), and @PanAfricanFiles (Nigeria) have amassed millions of followers by breaking down complex historical topics into bite-sized, engaging clips.

    And it’s not just history. Traditional healing systems, African astronomy, cosmology, and philosophy are being reexamined through a 21st-century lens. A new wave of scholars is emerging—rooted in African perspectives, unafraid of the West’s intellectual gatekeepers.

    Why This Matters: Education, Identity, Power

    According to UNESCO, over 70% of African school curricula in former British or French colonies still prioritize European historical frameworks. African thinkers like Thomas Sankara, Cheikh Anta Diop, Wangari Maathai, and Ama Ata Aidoo are barely mentioned, if at all.

    This erasure fuels a deeper crisis: identity fragmentation. If African children grow up learning only about Newton but not Imhotep, Descartes but not Anton Wilhelm Amo, they inherit the idea that Africa contributed nothing to civilization.

    The digital reawakening is correcting this. It is telling young Africans: you come from a lineage of thinkers, not just survivors.

    It’s also political. In Senegal, students cite digital archives of the Almoravid movement when protesting education reforms. In South Africa, Pan-African book clubs use WhatsApp to dissect Steve Biko and Frantz Fanon. In Ethiopia, Instagram poets revive Ge’ez metaphors to critique state power.

    Knowledge has become resistance.

    Challenges: Algorithms, Language, Access

    This renaissance is not without limits. Social media algorithms often favor Western content. African creators are frequently shadow-banned or under-promoted due to “low engagement markets.” Moreover, linguistic colonialism persists: most digital African knowledge is still curated in English or French, alienating vast populations.

    Internet penetration also remains a hurdle. As of 2024, only 43% of sub-Saharan Africans have regular internet access, according to the World Bank. In rural areas, that figure dips below 20%.

    To truly democratize knowledge, Africa must build its own digital infrastructures, support local-language platforms, and invest in creators who center African epistemologies.

    The Future is African—and It’s Online

    This renaissance is not just about pride—it’s about agency. From Lagos to Lilongwe, Kigali to Khartoum, Africa’s youth are proving that history is not something to be inherited. It’s something to be made.

    A continent that once taught the world—through its pyramids, philosophies, universities, and medicine, is remembering its role. Not through colonial textbooks, but through code, creativity, and connection.

    Timbuktu lives on. And this time, the world is watching.

  • The Unseen Borderlines: How Colonial Boundaries Still Shape African Daily Life

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    In the quiet town of Elubo, on Ghana’s western edge, life moves to the rhythm of the border. Traders cross daily into Côte d’Ivoire to sell goods. Families are split across nationalities. Children grow up speaking both Twi and French. But for many, the border is more than a checkpoint, it is an invisible wall that shapes every aspect of their existence.

    Over a century after European powers carved Africa into fragments at the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, the scars of artificial borders still pulse beneath the continent’s surface. The lines, drawn without regard for ethnic, linguistic, or cultural continuities, were not just geographic, they were ideological. And today, they continue to dictate how Africans move, trade, communicate, and even love.

    The Human Cost of Arbitrary Lines

    Take the story of Mariam and Joseph—siblings born just ten kilometers apart but under different flags. Mariam lives in Togo, while Joseph is in Ghana. Both are Ewe, speak the same language, and share the same traditions. Yet they require passports, visas, and sometimes bribes to see each other. Their story is not an exception, it is a norm for many families living along borderlands from Senegal to Somalia.

    For nomadic groups like the Tuareg or Fulani, whose livelihoods depend on transhumance—seasonal migration with their livestock, national borders often criminalize their way of life. What was once a communal land system stretching across regions is now a bureaucratic maze of permits and suspicion. These ancient communities are forced to justify their existence to modern state systems that neither understand nor value their traditions.

    When Borders Kill Trade

    In East Africa, a Maasai herder in Kenya may be blocked from grazing lands a few kilometers away in Tanzania, though his ancestors moved freely across both. In West Africa, delays at border posts can hold up goods for weeks—costing small traders dearly. And despite the formation of economic blocs like ECOWAS and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), national governments still enforce protectionist policies that contradict the spirit of continental integration.

    Border towns like Aflao (Ghana–Togo), Busia (Kenya–Uganda), and Gisenyi (Rwanda–DR Congo) offer a paradox: they are vibrant hubs of exchange yet constantly disrupted by customs delays, language barriers, and political tensions. Smuggling, bribery, and corruption thrive where formal systems fail ordinary people.

    Language, Identity, and Belonging

    Language is another casualty of the colonial border logic. Africa is home to over 2,000 languages, many of which spill across borders. Yet in most African schools, children are taught in colonial languages—English, French, Portuguese—that divide them from their neighbors. A child in Francophone Benin may share more with a Yoruba-speaking cousin in Anglophone Nigeria than with a Parisian, but the linguistic wall remains.

    Colonialism didn’t just split territories—it also fragmented identities. Many Africans today grow up identifying more with their European-given nationalities than with their ethnic or regional affiliations. This has implications for governance, civic trust, and conflict. In places like Cameroon or Sudan, post-colonial national projects built on arbitrary borders have bred deep ethnic resentments that occasionally explode into violence.

    Toward a Borderless Future?

    Africa’s political leadership has long acknowledged the damage of these imposed borders. As early as the 1960s, Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere called for African unity that transcended colonial boundaries. Today, the borderless Africa agenda, championed through AfCFTA, AU passport initiatives, and regional visa-free regimes, seeks to heal these divides.

    But the process is slow, uneven, and often symbolic. While the AU dreams of free movement, many African states still maintain rigid visa policies against fellow Africans. As of 2024, an African passport is more powerful in Europe than in half of the continent.

    The real work lies not just in policies but in reimagining the continent. African unity cannot be built on paper alone, it must live in infrastructure, language policy, education, and above all, in trust between states and people.

    Stories from the Edge

    For now, the people at Africa’s borders continue to build unity from below. In Goma and Gisenyi, across the DRC-Rwanda border, young musicians collaborate on songs that blend Lingala and Kinyarwanda. In Aflao, market women teach each other phrases in French and Ewe to survive. In the Sahel, nomads still defy checkpoints to uphold ancestral rhythms.

    They are living proof that Africa was always borderless, before maps, before fences, before colonizers. And perhaps it is in their stories, not the conference halls of Addis Ababa or Abuja, that the dream of a truly united Africa will be reborn.

  • Vice President Naana Jane Opoku-Agyemang Returns to Ghana After Medical Treatment in UK

    Vice President Prof. Naana Jane Opoku-Agyemang has returned to Ghana after undergoing extensive medical treatment in the United Kingdom. Her return marks the end of a medical leave that began with an initial consultation at the University of Ghana Medical Centre (UGMC), followed by further care abroad.

    President John Dramani Mahama, during his Thank You Tour in Dodowa on Friday, May 16, expressed gratitude for her recovery.

    “I’m happy to say that I spoke to her yesterday morning, and she will be back in the country before the end of next week. By God’s grace, she is fully recovered and ready to resume her duties,” he said.

  • Dynastic Influence: Ghana’s Political Powerhouses and the Legacy They Built

    Dynastic Influence: Ghana’s Political Powerhouses and the Legacy They Built

    By Moses Desire Kouyo

    In Ghanaian politics, the ballot box may speak every four years, but between the lines of manifestos and campaign slogans lie deeper truths of legacy, lineage, and the quiet, enduring power of political bloodlines. In this editorial, we explore the dynastic influence of three of Ghana’s most consequential political families: the Kufuors, the Rawlingses, and the Ofori-Attas names that continue to echo through the corridors of power, shaping policy, public memory, and the political imagination of generations.

    The Kufuor Legacy: The Gentleman’s Reign

    At the turn of the millennium, when Ghana was preparing to transition into a new democratic decade, a soft-spoken but resolute man named John Agyekum Kufuor emerged from the Ashanti heartland to become Ghana’s second President under the Fourth Republic. His administration was marked by economic liberalization, global diplomacy, and a calming tone of governance. But what many forget is that Kufuor’s political blood ran deep long before his presidency.

    The Kufuor name today symbolizes a brand of moderate conservatism and statesmanlike leadership within the New Patriotic Party (NPP). His son, Chief Kufuor, though more business-focused, has carried the family name into corporate circles with influential links to finance and infrastructure.

    Yet, perhaps the most lasting legacy of the Kufuor dynasty is its embodiment of a dignified, Western-educated, elite Ghanaian conservatism—a brand that continues to find its footing in NPP’s internal power dynamics even two decades after John Kufuor left office.

    The Rawlings Name: Fire, Revolution, and Reluctant Tradition

    No name stirs Ghana’s political memory quite like Rawlings. Flight Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, charismatic, polarizing, revolutionary, ruled Ghana first as a military leader and then as a two-term democratic president. He dismantled oligarchic power structures in the name of probity and accountability, and then rebranded himself as the father of Ghana’s modern democracy.

    But the Rawlings dynasty did not end with his departure, or his death. Nana Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings, the matriarch, has long been a political figure in her own right, once at the helm of the 31st December Women’s Movement, later breaking from the NDC to form the National Democratic Party (NDP). Their daughter, Dr. Zanetor Agyeman-Rawlings, now sits in Parliament, carrying the family flame into the future.

    The Rawlings legacy is complex. It is both revolutionary and institutional, both populist and aristocratic in its own way. Zanetor’s rise signifies a strategic, carefully measured continuation of the Rawlings ideology, less fiery, more technocratic, but still invoking her father’s populist roots when needed.

    The Ofori-Attas: From Gold Coast Aristocracy to Ghanaian Technocracy

    The Ofori-Atta family is arguably Ghana’s most entrenched political dynasty—its influence stretching from colonial governance to modern fiscal policy. With deep roots in the Akyem elite and a direct lineage from J.B. Danquah, the so-called “doyen of Ghanaian politics,” the Ofori-Attas have always blended aristocratic legacy with political ambition.

    Ken Ofori-Atta, One of Ghana’s longest-serving and controversial Ministers of Finance, represents the latest expression of this legacy. His tenure has been marked by bold economic reforms, unpopular austerity, and ideological consistency that many attribute to his Danquah-Busia tradition roots. His critics argue that he represents a technocratic aristocracy out of touch with economic hardship, while supporters see him as the necessary steward of fiscal discipline.

    Beyond Ken, the family boasts judges, politicians, diplomats, and entrepreneurs. The Ofori-Attas do not simply exist within Ghanaian politics, they shape the intellectual and economic framework within which politics itself is debated.

    Dynasties and Democracy: A Double-Edged Sword

    Are political dynasties antithetical to democracy? Or do they provide continuity, expertise, and a kind of political wisdom passed down like cultural folklore? Ghana’s political families represent both strengths and contradictions.

    They bring institutional memory, networks of influence, and often a genuine commitment to public service. But they also raise concerns about elite capture, nepotism, and barriers to new political entrants.

    In a country where youth account for over 50% of the population, the dominance of a few powerful families raises hard questions. Is Ghana becoming a republic of merit or a republic of surnames?

    Conclusion: The Power Behind the Name

    The Kufuors. The Rawlingses. The Ofori-Attas. These are not just names, they are legacies, ideologies, and institutions wrapped in human stories. They remind us that in Ghanaian politics, who you are is often shaped by who you come from.

    As Ghana’s democracy matures, the challenge is not to erase dynasties, but to balance legacy with equity, history with opportunity, and loyalty with competence.

    The surname may open the door, but it is the people’s vote that must decide who walks through it.

  • Heavy Rains, Thunderstorms Expected Across Ghana Tonight – GMet Issues Urgent Warning (May 20, 2025)

    The Ghana Meteorological Agency (GMet) has renewed its warning of severe thunderstorms, gusty winds, and possible flash floods across multiple regions of the country tonight. The alert follows a developing rainstorm system tracked from Benin and Togo, now moving westward into Ghana.

    According to GMet’s Impact-Based Weather Warning, areas at high risk include parts of the Volta, Oti, Eastern, Northern, Western, Western North, Bono East, Ashanti, Savannah, and Greater Accra regions. Key areas like Accra, Tema, Ashaiman, and Madina are expected to experience significant weather activity between 4:00 pm and 7:00 pm (1600–1900 UTC).

    “Gusty winds may precede the storm. Flash floods are likely over low-lying areas, and poor visibility is anticipated,” the agency cautioned.

    The alert categorizes some regions under “Take Action” and “Be Prepared” zones, highlighting increased risk of flooding, road disruptions, and damage to property—particularly in densely populated urban centers.

    This comes in the wake of deadly floods on Sunday, May 18, which submerged major roads in Accra and claimed three lives, including a four-year-old girl, in separate incidents at Lakeside, Nanakrom, and New Legon.

    Affected areas during Sunday’s storm included Weija, Kaneshie, Adabraka, Adenta-Dodowa, and Tema, where overflowing storm drains like the Odaw contributed to the devastation.

    GMet is urging the public to remain indoors where possible, avoid flood-prone zones, and monitor official channels for updates. Commuters are advised to plan routes cautiously, and communities in at-risk areas are encouraged to activate emergency preparedness measures.